6
" Michael Lind quotes Frederick Douglas on page 381:
“If we had built great ships, sailed around the world, taught the science of navigation, discovered far-off islands, capes and continents, enlarged the boundaries of human knowledge, improved the conditions of man’s existence, brought valuable contributions to art, science, and literature, revealed great truths, organized great States, administered great governments, defined the laws of the universes, formulated systems of mental and moral philosophy, invented railroads, steam engines, mowing machines, sewing machines, taught the sun to take pictures, the lightning to carry messages, we then might claim, not only potential and theoretical equality, but actual and practical equality. Nothing is gained to our cause by claiming more for ourselves than of right we can establish belongs to us. "
― , The Next American Nation: The New Nationalism and the Fourth American Revolution
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" Page 382: Generations earlier, [Frederick] Douglas criticized “the error that union among ourselves is an essential element of success in our relations to the white race” and that “if we were only united in one body, under wise and powerful leaders, we could shape the policy of both political parties, make and unmake parties, control the destiny of the republic, and secure for ourselves a desirable and happy future.” Douglass demurred: “I hold that our union is our weakness … When we thus isolate ourselves, we say to those around us: “’We have nothing in common with you,’ and, very naturally, the reply of our neighbors is in the same tone and to the same effect; for when a people care for nobody, nobody will care for them. "
― , The Next American Nation: The New Nationalism and the Fourth American Revolution
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" Page 80-81: The two patron saints of American cultural pluralism rejected both Anglo-conformity and the melting-pot ideal. In his 1915 essay in the Nation, “Democracy vs. The Melting Pot,” Horace Kallen was concerned (as the essay’s title suggests) with rebutting the melting-pot conception, as well as the nativism displayed in Edward A. Ross’s polemic the Old World and the New (1915), the immediate occasion of Kallen’s essay. Randolph Bourne, in his July 1916 essay “Trans-National America,” concentrated on contesting the claims of Anglo-conformists for the superiority of Anglo-American culture.* Rejecting assimilation, in its Anglo-conformist and melting-pot forms, both of which, in their different ways, envision the United States as a conventional nation-state with a single predominant culture, cultural pluralists counterposed the ideal of the United States as a nonnational confederation of minorities, a country without a majority nation.
* Kallen and Bourne arguable were influenced by their ethnic backgrounds, Kallen was a Harvard-educated German Jew who had immigrated to the United States with his family at the age of five, a Zionist and a proponent of secular (but not religious) Jewishness, Kallen was concerned about the effect on a distinct Jewish-American identity of the melting-pot ideal that Zangwill (an English Jew) promoted. "
― , The Next American Nation: The New Nationalism and the Fourth American Revolution
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" Page 112: In 1970 an Equal Employment Opportunity Commission administrator, Alfred Blumrosen—who despite his relative obscurity is one of the major architects and theorists of today’s racial preference system—expressed this repudiation of color-blind liberalism with surprising candor:
"If discrimination is narrowly defined, for example, be requiring an evil intent to injure minorities, then it will be difficult to find that it exists. If it does not exist, then the plight of racial and ethnic minorities must be attributable to some more generalized failures in society, in the fields of basic education, housing, family relations, and the like. The search for efforts to improve the condition of minorities must then focus in these general and difficult areas, and the answers can come only gradually as basic institutions, attitudes, customs, and practices are changed."
The solution, for Blumrosen and other left-liberal bureaucrats and judges, was to redefine discrimination to mean disparity, to permit the government, “by intelligent, effective, and aggressive legal action,” to assign positions in schools, factories, offices, and government on the basis of racial proportions in the population at large. "
― , The Next American Nation: The New Nationalism and the Fourth American Revolution
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" Page 240: [Michael] Walzer transfers responsibility for realizing the old cultural-pluralist fantasy from the all-too-assimilated white ethnics to new ethnic groups from other parts of the world. “Whatever regulation is necessary—we can argue about that—the flow of people, the material base of multiculturalism, should not be cut off.” Walzer hopes that separate ethnic communities in the United States can be kept alive artificially, to prevent the development of a common American cultural identify: “If that vitality cannot be sustained, pluralism will prove to be a temporary phenomenon, a way station on the road to American nationalism.” Assimilation, or nationalism, is a misfortune: “A radical program of Americanization would really be unAmerican. … The public schools, according to Walzer, must be structured to actively discourage the assimilation of immigrants to the majority heritage: “Strengthen the public schools, and focus them … on two things: first, the history and contemporary forms of democratic politics, and second, the immigrant experience.” In Walzer’s view, then, everyone in America should have an ethnic nationality—with the exception of “generic” Americans: “A certain sort of communitarianism is available to each of the hyphenate groups—except, it would seem, the American-Americans, whose community, if it existed, would deny the Americanism of all the others. "
― , The Next American Nation: The New Nationalism and the Fourth American Revolution
